possible for ministers to pledge future Governments, it was replied by Lord Holland, that there ought to be an express resolution of Parliament, condemning the improvidence of the article of the Treaty alluded to, and declaring that it should not be drawn into precedent, so as to operate as an encouragement to British capitalists to lend their money to the French Government. His Lordship, in the course of his speech, disclaimed in the strongest terms, any intention of throwing the slightest imputation upon Mr Baring; he merely argued upon the general principle. [According to Lord Liverpool's statement, Mr Baring is now negociating at Paris with other capitalists of Europe, with a view to the arrangement of the loan.]

Thanks were then voted to the Marquis of Hastings (Earl Moira) for his conduct in the Nepaul war.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Tuesday, January 28.

On the return of the members from the House of Peers, Sir Francis Burdett gave notice that he should, on that day month, submit a motion to the House on the subject of Parliamentary Reform.

THE REGENT'S SPEECH.

The Speaker having read the speech delivered that day from the Throne,

Lord Valletort moved the address. His Lordship considered, that although the late war had thrown considerable burthens on the people, yet we ought to be gratified that all the objects sought by it had been attain ed; nor ought we, under the pressure of temporary adversity, to give ourselves up to despair. The expedition against the government of Algiers, whether regarded with respect to its motives or its end, formed a subject of unmixed congratulation; nor was a renewal of aggression from that quarter to be apprehended. With respect to the wars in India, they had been forced upon us by a series of aggressions; but the treaty with Nepaul, combined with the wise arrangements of the Marquis of Hastings, promised to secure the future tranquillity of the peninsula of India. He agreed that the House ought to enforce economy; but it ought to be kept in mind, that the weight and dignity of a powerful government must be kept up; that this government was the guardian of social order; that our empire was wide, and our colonies spread over the whole face of the globe. He would enforce on their consideration that nothing was so expensive as weakness, nothing so prodigal as insecurity, (hear, hear.) The House must be sensible that the Prince Regent

was sincerely desirous of lessening the bur dens of the people, and would adopt any plan consistent with public security, and public faith, that the House might recom. mend. The deficiency of the revenue was no ground for depression; the present distress was but temporary, occasioned by the transition from a state of war to a state of peace. The expenditure during the last year of the war, among the labouring clas ses of the community, amounted to 130 millions; in the year after, it was only 70 millions; this joined to the great discharge of soldiers and sailors, effected a diminution of employment at the very time when there was a greater demand for it than ever. A mischievous spirit had been diffused among the poorer classes for the worst purpose: they had been told that the remedy for all their grievances would be annual parlia ments; but he trusted that the House had the will and power to defeat every attempt to subvert the Constitution, which, in spite of clamour, was still unrivalled, and ac knowledged to be the most perfect that had ever fallen to the lot of man.

Mr Dawson, in seconding the motion, went over the same topics as the preceding speaker. He lamented that the feelings of the people had been inflamed, and the poorer classes barangued on subjects they were un able to comprehend (hear, hear.) But he trusted that the spirit of revolution, mis. termed Parliamentary Reform, would be checked and subdued.

Mr Ponsonby observed, that the profes sions of economy made in the opening speech of last year had not been fulfilled: every measure for that purpose was resisted by ministers, till by a majority of votes they were compelled to yield. What encouragement could the House feel that the hopes now held out to them would be better attended to than the professions of last year. There was now a large deficit in the revenue: this, he supposed, would be sup plied by a loan; but while this system of borrowing continued, the Sinking Fund, so called, had no real operation; it was, in fact, a part of the borrowed money. The real cause of difficulty was the immense debt and taxation. It was idle to ascribe it to any thing else. The House would deceive the people by adopting the address. But if they wished to obtain the public confidence, they should shew that they would not trust merely to what ministers told them, but they were resolved to take the public affairs in their own hands: shewing the people that they were not to trust to a set of ministers, but to a body of honest and vigilant representatives: with this view in order to secure the confidence of the people,

ple, and to enable that House to carry the country through its difficulties, he had prepared an amendment, in which he had kept clear from either exaggeration or despon. dency: it was then read as follows:

"That we have seen with the deepest concern the continued embarrassments of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; the alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the unexampled and increasing distresses of all classes of his Majesty's faithful subjects. Of these facts he was sure no one could have any doubt. That we are willing to indulge the hope that these distresses may be found, in part, to have originated from circumstances of a temporary nature, and that some alleviation of them may be produced by the continuance of peace; but that we should ill discharge our duty to his Royal Highness, and be guilty of countenancing a most danger ous delusion, were we to conceal from him our opinion that the pressure that now weighs so heavily on the resources of the country, is much more extensive in its operation, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed, than that which has prevail, ed at the termination of any former war. That we are firmly persuaded that the same exemplary patience and fortitude with which all ranks have hitherto borne the dif ficulties under which they labour, will con tinue to support them under such burthens as may be found indispensably necessary for the unavoidable exigencies of the public ser. vice, but that to maintain this disposition it is incumbent on this House, by a severe and vigilant exercise of its powers, to prove to their fellow subjects, that the sacrifices which it may be their painful duty to make, are strictly limited to the real necessities of the state. That while we acknowledge the gracious dispositions announced in his Royal Highness's Speech from the throne, we cannot help expressing our regret that his Royal Highness should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of the most rigid economy and retrenchment, particularly with respect to our military establishments; that a prompt and effectual reduction in this and every other branch of our expenditure, his Majesty's faithful Commons most naturally look to as the first step to relieve the sufferings, and redress the grievances, of which the people so justly complain; and that to enable themselves to assist his Royal Highness by their advice in the performance of a duty so imperiously called for by the present situation of the country, they will lose no time in instituting a strict inquiry into the state of the nation." Mr Bragge Bathurst, in replying to Mr

Ponsonby, complained that he had dwelt chiefly on the speech delivered by the Commissioners last year.

The Hon. Mr Lambe said, our calamities were produced by the war, though their complete pressure was not felt till the arrival of peace; they were thus connected with the peace in point of time, but they could not be traced to the peace as their cause. In this situation the great object for us to pursue was, not to propagate a delusion with respect to the cause of our distress, but to take every means of alleviating it, or preventing its extension, by supporting and maintaining public credit. Our situation should be supported with that firmness and patience that could alleviate every calamity, instead of leading us to attempt plans and expedients which might aggra vate temporary sufferings into irretrievable ruin, by destroying entirely public confidence, and national credit. But how were we to support public credit, if we did not resort to such expedients? He would answer

by economy and retrenchment. (Hear, hear!) A strict and rigorous attention to economy, and reduction of all our establishments to the lowest possible scale, must be productive of evils to certain individuals, and he was not disposed to under-rate their sufferings, but the national good and the public security were paramount to all other considerations.

Mr C. Grant argued that the transition from war to peace was the cause of our present distresses; and added, that the scarcity of the present season would lead to increased cultivation the next, and contribute to raise agriculture from its depressed state. The Hon. Member was proceeding, when he was interrupted by the annunciation of a message from the Lords.

ATTACK ON THE REGENT.

The messengers were admitted, and the message was read to the following effect:

"That the Lords request a conference with the House in the Painted Chamber, on a subject deeply affecting the safety of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, and the honour and dignity of Parliament." The message added, " that owing to the absence of the usual messengers, and the urgent na ture of the business, the Lords were obliged to send this message by their Clerk Assis. tant."

A Committee having been appointed, the proposed conference took place. The Com mittee, after about ten minutes absence, re turned, and stated, that their Lordships de sired to inform the House of Commons, that several daring outrages had been offer. ed to the person of the Prince Regent that day in his passage from Parliament; that

they

they had agreed to an Address to his Royal Highness thereupon, to which Address they desired the concurrence of that House; and that they had also communicated the name of the witness examined at their Lordships' bar, viz. Lord James Murray, who was in attendance, to be examined by that House, if it judged proper to do so.-It was then resolved, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the debate on the Prince Regent's Speech should be adjourned till next day. Their Lordship's Address was then read as follows:

"We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to approach your Royal Highness, humbly to express our abhorrence of the outrage offered to your Royal Highness on your passage from Parliament-to assure your Royal Highness, that we feel the deepest concern and indignation that there should be found any individual in his Majesty's dominions capable of an attack so daring and flagitious, and to express our earnest wishes, in which we are confident we shall be joined by all descriptions of his Majesty's subjects, that you will be pleased to order measures to be taken, without delay, to discover and bring to justice the aiders and abettors of this atrocious proceeding."

EXAMINATION OF LORD JAMES MURRAY:

Lord James Murray then appeared at the bar, and was examined, the questions being addressed to the Speaker, and by him to the witness.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Vansittart) asked what situation his Lordship holds in the household of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent ?That of Lord of the Bedchamber.

Mr V. Was his Lordship in attendance on his Royal Highness on his coming to open the Parliament this day?—Yes.

Mr V. Was his Lordship in the carriage with his Royal Highness when he returned from the Parliament ?—Yes.

Mr V. What happened in his Lordship's own sight on that occasion ?-On his Royal Highness's return from the House, between Carlton-house-gardens and St James's-gardens, the glass of the carriage on the left side of his Royal Highness was broken.

Mr V. In what manner did the fracture appear to his Lordship to have been produced?It seemed to have been produced by two bullets of a small size, about a quarter of an inch apart.

Mr V. Was his Lordship confident that the fractures must have been produced by bullets or some other substances thrown with great violence ?—I have not the slight

est doubt that they were produced by bullets.

Mr V. Would his Lordship make any other observation respecting this proceeding?-About a minute after the glass was broken in the manner I have described, a large stone was thrown against the glass of the carriage, which broke it, and three or four other small stones were thrown, which struck the glass and the other parts of the carriage.

Mr V. Was the glass which was broken by the large stone the same which had been perforated by the bullets?—It was the same glass.

Mr V. Had his Lordship time to observe the manner in which the glass was perfora. ted, in the interval between the first fracture and the glass being finally broken ?-In that interval I observed the part which was first broken minutely.

Mr V. Did the noble Lord observe whe ther such a number of persons surrounded the carriage, that a pistol might be discharged, and the person by whom it was fired not immediately recognised?-The crowd not being excessive near the carriage, I conceive that if a pistol had been fired with gunpowder, the person must have been observed.

Mr V. Does his Lordship conclude that the first fracture was produced by a bullet discharged from some other instrument than a pistol, such as an air-gun ?—I suppose, as I heard no report, that the bullets must have been discharged without gunpowder.

The Speaker then asked whether any other Member wished to put questions to the witness?

Sir B. Hobhouse asked whether any bullets had been found in the carriage? (Hear, hear.)-I have not heard that any bullets have been found in the carriage; I should observe, that I conceived, from the manner of the fracture, that the bullets must have come from some height-perhaps from one of the trees, of which there are many in that part of the Park, and in which there were several persons.

A Member asked, Did his Lordship hear any noise, which induced him to suppose that the bullets had passed through the carriage?—I heard no noise but that produced by the fracture of the glass.

Mr C. W. Wynne asked, Whether the opposite glass was up or down?—It was up.

Mr Brougham. Did his Lordship ob serve similar holes in the opposite glass?— It was not broken at all. The reason I sup. pose the bullets to have come from a height was, that splinters of the glass were thrown violently to the lower part of the opposite side of the carriage.

Mr

Mr Brougham. I would ask whether bullets, or any similar substances, were found in the bottom of the carriage? I had no opportunity of ascertaining this, as I left the carriage immediately after the Prince Regent.

A Member wished to ask, Whether his Royal Highness had given any directions to search the carriage?—I cannot speak to this on my own knowledge.

Mr Brougham. I wish to ask who was in the carriage besides his Royal Highness and his Lordship, and who sat on the side nearest the glass which was broken? The Master of the Horse (the Duke of Montrose) was in the carriage, and sat on the side where the glass was broken.

Mr Brougham. Did his Lordship observe at the bottom of the carriage any thing but the splinters of glass?—I only observed the splinters of glass at the bottom of the opposite door of the carriage.

Mr Brougham. I wish to know whether the large stone which afterwards broke the glass entered the carriage P-No; the plate glass is very thick, and the stone did not

enter.

Lord Cochrane. Was the window which was broken next his Royal Highness?-His Royal Highness sat in the middle of the carriage.

Lord Milton. I wish to know whether the stone which was subsequently thrown smashed the window, or merely starred the glass?-It not only smashed the window, but pounded the glass.

Mr Wynne (we believe.) Was not the glass of an unusual thickness ?—It was reinarkably thick.

Sir R. Heron. Who were the persons on the outside of the carriage nearest the window when thus struck, whether soldiers or others ?-There was one footman on the side of the door, and one of the Life Guards immediately behind him, but no soldier op posite the window.

A Member asked, Whether his Lordship supposed that the bullets perforated any other part of the carriage at all?-Whether they perforated any other part of the carriage I do not know, but I suppose they did. His Lordship was then ordered to withdraw.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then said, that the House, having heard from the mouth of the noble Lord the particulars of this daring outrage on the person of the Prince Regent, would require, he presumed, no other reasons to induce them to adopt the Address which the Lords had communicated, especially when it was considered that this flagitious attempt took place while his Royal Highness was returning

from the exercise of his royal prerogative in opening the Session. He then moved, that the House do adopt the Address of the House of Lords, which was agreed to unanimously.

Wednesday, January 29.

On the House assembling this day, they went, preceded by the Speaker, and attended by the House officers, to Carlton House, to present the Address. At five, the Members having returned, the House resumed.

Lord Cochrane presented a pétition from Bristol, signed by 20,700 inhabitants, attributing the nation's misery to the enormous amount of taxation and debt, and praying for Parliamentary Reform.

Messrs Protheroe and Davis, the Members for Bristol, said they were certain the petition did not speak the sentiments of their constituents, nor was the meeting where it was agreed upon attended by one hundredth part of the population. Ordered to lie on the table.

Another petition from Saddleworth, in Yorkshire, was presented by Lord Coch

rane.

It was worded in very strong terms. It stated, among other matters, that the House did not, in any constitutional or rational sense, represent the nation; and, by its inadequacy of representation and corrup tions, subverted the principles of the Constitution. It complained of enormous taxation, and observed, that the cause of the war in 1793 was well understood, though possibly its contrivers did not originally intend its evils to extend to such a magnitude and duration. Now the eyes of the people were opening, and our wicked rulers saw it. They were shocked at the proceedings of contending factions, who were alike forgetful of the nation's interests in their party views, and their repeated, protracted, and disgusting debates. Petitioners saw nothing in their discussions, except that the lash of unconstitutional taxation was to be kept applied to the poor. Taxation and representation ought to go hand in hand. There was no way to prevent the establishment of despotism, but by having a free Parliament. Through the conduct of the boroughmongers, the people could not pay for taxes. They prayed for a law to give the aggrieved people their right to equal representation and to annual Parliaments, which they should exert every constitutional means to obtain (hear.)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed its being received, on account of its disrespectful language. In this he was supported by Mr Canning and other members.

Sir Wm. Geary observed, that if the arguments of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite

were